For over a year now, the British government has flatly
rejected claims that the Saudi Arabian-led coalition has violated the laws of
war during its conflict in Yemen, despite overwhelming evidence to the
contrary. Although the British government supplied nearly £3 billion worth of
weapons and equipment to the Saudis in 2015 alone, ministers insist that
Britain's arms export licensing procedures are amongst the most stringent in
the world and that there's no serious risk of British supplied equipment being
used unlawfully. But these claims - already disingenuous and misleading – were
further discredited this week by fresh evidence from Amnesty International that
banned British-made cluster bombs have been used by coalition forces in Yemen.
Amnesty researchers found one partially unexploded BL-755
bomb, manufactured by Hunting Engineering Ltd., in the 1970s, which was
evidently used by the coalition in Yemen's Hajjah Governorate, six miles from
the Saudi border. Cluster munitions, which are designed to release smaller
bomblets that scatter over a wide area, pose a particular danger to civilians,
especially children who pick up unexploded ordnance without realising what they
are. Each BL-755 contains 147 submunitions.
It's true that these British-made bombs were sold to a
coalition member before the existence of an international convention banning
cluster munitions, which Britain ratified in 2010 and has since championed.
Nonetheless, the fact that such weapons are still being used by a coalition
which we support and arm would normally prompt an investigation and a serious
review of British policy. But these are not normal times. In recent months,
British policy on Yemen appears to have hardened, becoming more supportive of
the coalition in Yemen and more dismissive of the human rights groups that
expose their violations.
Just last month, for example, Foreign Secretary Philip
Hammond made a series of claims about coalition actions in Yemen that don't
withstand scrutiny. Four are particularly worth highlighting.
Firstly, he said that "the Saudi-led coalition is not
targeting civilians". But Human Rights Watch and others have identified
multiple cases in which the Saudi-led coalition has launched airstrikes against
markets, hospitals, clinics, schools, civilian factories and wedding parties,
as well as private homes. Similar cases were extensively documented by the UN
Panel of Experts, which identified 119 separate coalition sorties which it
judged were unlawful. In many of the cases we investigated, the attacks failed
to discriminate between civilians and combatants, caused disproportionate harm
to civilians, or we found no clear military objective in the area. Many of the
attacks amounted to serious violations of the laws of war. And some cases may
be war crimes.
Secondly, Hammond said that Saudi Arabia has put in place
procedures "to ensure respect for the principles of international
humanitarian law". It's true that in January the coalition did finally
announce the creation of a committee to assess the rules of engagement in the
context of the conflict. But even the coalition's military spokesman said that
the objective of the committee was not to carry out specific investigations.
Thirdly, the Foreign Secretary claimed that Saudi has
"engaged in constructive dialogue" with the UK about incidents of
concern. But this view was contradicted by Hammond's own ministerial colleague
at the Foreign Office, Tobias Ellwood. Ellwood told a parliamentary committee
in April that he phoned the Saudi Ambassador to the UK to complain that Riyadh
was taking too long to investigate incidents, the process was
"frustratingly slow", and that the Saudi response had "been
found wanting".
Finally, Hammond says Saudi Arabia "remains genuinely
committed" to complying with the laws of war. This is an extraordinary
claim given the reality of ongoing and large-scale violations of the laws of
war by the Saudi-led coalition in Yemen that have continued for over a year,
and Riyadh's refusal to acknowledge or properly investigate them.
As the British government has become more entrenched in its
position on Yemen, it has been sharply criticised by the main opposition
parties and some of its own backbenchers. Given the scale of the violations,
and the documented use of British-supplied equipment, parliamentarians should
demand an immediate suspension of British military sales to Saudi Arabia and a
full and independent investigation. Anything less will make Britain complicit
in further abuses and the ongoing intolerable suffering of the Yemeni people.
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